Session the Future of the World Social Forum - preparing, conducting, follow up

 
 
Picture of Vera Vratuša
abs Thomas, "Politics and the Utopian Laboratory"eng; Política y el laboratorio utópico es
by Vera Vratuša - Tuesday, 26 January 2021, 11:48 AM
 

(please see below the English version of this abstract, its version in Spanish)) 

The modern philosopher G. W. F. Hegel once noted that the political process that embodies a new universal impulse often perishes while its principle persists. What is the principle that the World Social Forum brought forward? My book (co-edited with William F. Fisher) Another World is Possible—published at the beginning of 2003—was the first book in English on the World Social Forum (WSF), the first to contend that the common theme that threaded through all of the alternatives proposed at the WSF was a call for a participatory, radical democracy, and the first to argue that the Forum represented the initial steps for building a new left and a new global civilization. Over the years, there have been a number of insightful interpretations of the WSF process: it embodies resistance to globalization; it epitomizes the latest struggle against imperialism; it manifests the power of identity; it is an insurgency against all forms of hierarchical discrimination, including patriarchy; it exemplifies the “movement of the multitude,” or articulates the emergence of the epistemologies of the South. The interpretation that I offered did not and does not exclude any of the others but encompasses them within a common overlapping framework: the “alternative globalization,” or “global justice,” movements that emerged from the WSF at minimum call for a radically participatory democratic process to be integrated into all major economic, political, cultural, or ecological decisions. Social movements around the planet are too diverse to fully develop—at this time—a common substantive notion of the good but instead, for the first time in history, bring forward a shared principle of the process of emancipation, that is, the call for a global radical democracy that extends across all social domains.

 

Keywords:

 Utopian laboratory, World Social Forum, globalization and movements 

Thomas, School of Liberal Arts and Sciences George Brown College, Toronto, Canada 

El filósofo moderno G. W. F. Hegel señaló una vez que el proceso político que encarna un nuevo impulso universal a menudo perece mientras persiste su principio. ¿Cuál es el principio que presentó el Foro Social Mundial? Mi libro (coeditado con William F. Fisher) Another World is Possible, publicado a principios de 2003, fue el primer libro en inglés en el Foro Social Mundial (FSM), el primero en afirmar que el tema común que surgió a través de Todas las alternativas propuestas en el FSM fue un llamado a una democracia participativa y radical, y el primero en argumentar que el Foro representaba los pasos iniciales para construir una nueva izquierda y una nueva civilización global.

A lo largo de los años, ha habido una serie de interpretaciones perspicaces del proceso del FSM: encarna la resistencia a la globalización; personifica la última lucha contra el imperialismo; manifiesta el poder de la identidad; es una insurgencia contra todas las formas de discriminación jerárquica, incluido el patriarcado; ejemplifica el "movimiento de la multitud" o articula el surgimiento de las epistemologías del Sur. La interpretación que ofrecí no excluyó ni excluye a ninguna de las otras, sino que los abarca dentro de un marco común superpuesto: los movimientos de "globalización alternativa" o "justicia global" que surgieron del FSM, como mínimo llaman a un proceso democratico  radicalmente participativa  para integrarse en todas las decisiones económicas, políticas, culturales o ecológicas importantes.

Los movimientos sociales en todo el planeta son demasiado diversos para desarrollar plenamente, en este momento, una noción sustantiva común del bien, pero en cambio, por primera vez en la historia, presentan un principio compartido del proceso de emancipación, es decir, el llamado a Una democracia radical global que se extiende a todos los dominios sociales.

 

Grupo: Participación RC10, Democracia Organizacional y Autogestión, RC26 Sociotecnia, Práctica Sociológica

Selección de sesión: El futuro del Foro Social Mundial

Palabras clave:

Laboratorio utópico, Foro Social Mundial, globalización y movimientos.

Thomas, Escuela de Artes y Ciencias Liberales George Brown College, Toronto, Canadá

Picture of Vera Vratuša
Re: abs Thomas, "Politics and the Utopian Laboratory"eng; Política y el laboratorio utópico es.
by Vera Vratuša - Saturday, 7 March 2020, 9:20 PM
 

Colleague Thomas, Do you have by any chance some knowledge based opinion on the one real historical attempt at building "a participatory, radical democracy that extends across all social domains" - ex-Yugoslave self-management? Vera

Picture of Vera Vratuša
Re: abs Thomas, "Politics and the Utopian Laboratory"eng; Política y el laboratorio utópico es.
by Vera Vratuša - Wednesday, 28 October 2020, 10:05 AM
 
   

from: Thomas Ponniah 
to: Vera Vratusa 
date: Oct 26, 2020, 3:52 PM
subject: Re: CONFIRMATION ISA EDITING - ISA AND WSF PAGE

thanks for the message Vera

I do not have substantial information on Yugoslavia so I cannot comment on its experiments with participatory democracy.
The obvious contemporary examples are Kerala in India and Porto Alegre, Brazil and of course Mondragon in Spain. All three give us some interesting possibilities.
 
I am sorry that I cannot be more helpful.
all the best
Thomas

 

Picture of Vera Vratuša
Re: abs Thomas, "Politics and the Utopian Laboratory"eng; Política y el laboratorio utópico es.
by Vera Vratuša - Wednesday, 28 October 2020, 4:03 PM
 

Your answer dear Thomas is more than helpful for the discussion of one of your main ideas concerning the building and realization of "a participatory, radical democracy that extends across all social domains" .

 The contemporary examples that you mention, Kerala in India, Porto Alegre in Brazil and Mondragon in Spain, present important still existing achievements of participatory democracy. They however present  democratic participation achievements within local regions of respective countries. Would  it not be interesting to explore the influence of the change in respective country’s governments on this local  democratic participation experiences, or experiments, if you prefer this expression?

I posed the question mentioning the Yugoslav self management experiment which existed from 1950 to 1989 because it had ambition,  in the formal legal sense of the respective Constitutions, to implement both economic and political democracy through the participation of workers, peasants and intellectuals in management of reproduction process in industrial, agricultural, educational, health, cultural and other organizations of associated labor, as well as through participation of citizens in the management of all levels of government, from neighborhood communities, communes, regions, constitutive multiethnic and multi confessional republics, up to the level of the socialist federal republic, through the system of elected and recallable delegates having received imperative mandates from their constituencies.

Elements of internal contradictions of this elaborate system of integral self management were becoming ever more visible at the latest from the middle of 1960s to the middle of the 1970, when centrifugal forces became ever stronger, leading to final dismantlement of self management with social property, through the tragic and bloody civil war from 1991 to 1995 and 1999 NATO military intervention with depleted uranium coated bombing. I have tried to analyze these internal and external destructive forces in the text "The Intrinsic Connection Between Endogenous and Exogenous Factors of Social (Dis)Integration: A Sketch of the Yugoslav Case” available at https://www.academia.edu/10495220/The_Intrinsic_Connection_Between_Endogenous_and_Exogenous_Factors_of_Social_Dis_Integration_A_Sketch_of_the_Yugoslav_Case .

Would you agree dear present and eventual future participants in this discussion that Yugoslav self management experiment and the lessons that can be drawn from its failure three decades ago, are still relevant for the actual attempts at scaling up and in the last instance globalization of the “participatory, radical democracy that extends across all social domains" ?